As a substitute, Democratic nationwide management made the primary daring transfer. A 12 months earlier than the 1948 presidential election, noting the success of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal electoral coalition, a campaign-strategy memo drafted by Clark Clifford and James Rowe, advisers to President Truman, argued that “the Northern Negro voter right now holds the stability of energy in presidential elections for the straightforward arithmetical motive that the Negroes not solely vote in a bloc however are geographically concentrated in pivotal, massive and carefully contested electoral states comparable to New York Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan.” Truman’s determination to signal govt orders desegregating the navy and the federal work pressure was an electoral broadside constructed, partly, to assist win over the help of northern Black voters.
It labored. Truman received 77 p.c of Black voters, and with them the Nice Migration vacation spot states of Illinois and Ohio by only a mixed 40,000 votes — and these states’ electoral votes offered the margin of victory. The well-known image of the re-elected president holding up the misguided newspaper headline “Dewey Defeats Truman” exists largely as a result of Dewey, the Republican governor of New York, with a strong file on civil rights, had grown out of the blue lukewarm on the difficulty, making halfhearted appeals to Black voters within the North whereas rising entreaties to white conservatives within the South.
The election end result was proof of the brand new electoral benefit Black solidarity provided a celebration prepared to ship racially progressive insurance policies. And the choice of many Southern Democrats, upset with the occasion’s formal embrace of civil rights at that 12 months’s Democratic Nationwide Conference, to mount a third-party presidential bid that 12 months hinted that an opposing bloc of more and more disgruntled white segregationists was looking for a brand new house.
The Democrats’ and Republicans’ nationwide platforms on this interval usually addressed civil rights in nearly equal measure, and typically Republicans have been extra progressive on the query. President Dwight Eisenhower declared within the Nineteen Fifties that racial segregation harmed the nation’s safety pursuits. Deploying the one hundred and first Airborne to implement the mixing of Little Rock Excessive Faculty in 1957, he warned that “our enemies are gloating over this incident and utilizing it all over the place to misrepresent our complete nation.” Richard Nixon held positions on civil rights much like John F. Kennedy’s through the 1960 presidential marketing campaign, and received practically a 3rd of the Black vote that 12 months (although within the South, the place nearly all of the Black inhabitants nonetheless lived, Black voters have been successfully barred from the polls).
It was the final time a Republican would win greater than 15 p.c of the Black vote in a presidential election. Stumping for Nixon in 1960, Senator Barry Goldwater, the Arizona Republican, declared that “there’s hardly sufficient distinction between Republican conservatives and the Southern Democrats to place a bit of paper between.” When Goldwater turned the 1964 Republican presidential nominee and voiced his opposition to the Civil Rights Act, Black voters bunched themselves into the Democratic Occasion for good, supporting Lyndon Johnson at a fee comparable with Barack Obama’s practically a half-century later.
The Voting Rights Act of 1965, in the meantime, significantly expanded the Black citizens — voter-registration charges amongst nonwhites leapt to 59.8 p.c in 1967 from 6.7 p.c in Mississippi; to 51.6 p.c from 19.3 p.c in Alabama; and to 52.6 p.c from 27.4 p.c in Georgia. Black turnout soared. And George Wallace’s third-party candidacy for president in 1968, operating on a segregation platform and profitable 5 states within the course of, was the final gasp for segregationists working exterior of the two-party system.
Inside a decade, white Southern Democrats have been responding favorably to the appeals of the Republican Occasion. Richard Nixon’s “legislation and order” chorus and Ronald Reagan’s renewed name for “states’ rights” have been racialized, implicitly speaking opposition to progressive insurance policies like busing and tapping into anxieties a few quickly integrating society. With explicitly racist appeals now socially taboo, symbolic and ostensibly colorblind gestures made the transition simpler by reframing the race query as one about free-market ideas, private duty and authorities nonintervention. Racial segregation could possibly be achieved with out brazenly championing it; the social hierarchy maintained with out evangelizing it. American voters, Black and white alike, received the message.